One of the core questions that exist, on the political surface and in the ecosystem of power in the United States, is, precisely, whether President Donald Trump is going through his decline with respect to the future projection of his political project and the answer is a clear and categorical “Yes”.

It is a rational yes. And it is not so much because of its biological age (he is currently 79 years old) nor is it because the opposing camp of globalist Atlanticism is stronger now than in November 2024. It is because President Trump, for a range of personal, family and factional reasons of power, became involved in files whose final resolutions are either not in sight or, if they materialize, will not be favorable to him to the extent that he needs them to prop up and expand his dynasty in the body of the American and global elites.

Indeed, the outcomes of the conflictive and dramatic contexts that occur in West Asia will not have an impact on net profits for your project and, on the contrary, will take away your mental energy, physical time and availability of varied resources and tools.

A year and a half into his second popular, legal and constitutional term, he who thought of being the creator of a new nation-state project for the United States of the Third Millennium, in the context of the functioning of a structural, organizational and systemic reformatting desired and requested by tens of millions of Americans, finds himself inserted in an intersection of acute problems, being a constituent part of them because, in addition to the pre-existing difficulties, he added other obstacles, adding, for example, either by motu proprio (by a miscalculation of vision) or by the action of external blackmail, to the international warmongering history of the American power, another cycle of wars from whose immediate and mediate consequences the population of his own country cannot escape or shield himself. Along with this, the inflationary structure was not resolved either, pragmatic neo-protectionism does not translate into tangible and positive results and the atmosphere of internecine warfare is still in force – and with greater vigour than in 2021 – in the dimensions of the elites and public squares.

Once he was reinstated in the White House, Trump did not existentially minimize or historically exclude the globalist camp, which, it should be remembered, did much to prevent Trump from returning to the head of the federal executive branch. Not a single distinguished figure of globalism is in prison and neither did the Republican Party, with the influence of America First, manage to accumulate more quotas of electoral and institutional political power.

All this is thought and exclaimed by the MAGA rank and file themselves and a significant part of its referents. Both agree that President Trump is moving away from the foundational seed of the platform and the historic promises that brought him victorious, on several occasions, to the White House against the forecasts of the mainstream of informants and experts.

Even the current head of state did not believe that, in 2016, he would win the elections that were highly significant and that, beyond any continuation of the series of evils, marked a before and after in some dimensions of politics and the history of the American nation.

MAGA, despite the fact that there is a faction that wants to distort, from its very heart, the sapiential turn of the movement, enjoys, for the moment, a good state of health and regularly expresses the mobilizing premises of America First.

“Make America Great Again” it emerged long before the 2016 electoral process and was elaborated long before Donald Trump finally decided to run for the White House. It is not a myth, it is not a slogan popularized by opportunists in bulk, inside and outside the United States, since it is a pronouncement of the genuine soul of the vast majority of the American population, including those who did not vote for Trump at any time.

By virtue of this, the natural layers of the movement remain active and vitally positioned to correct errors and redirect all metaphysics, physics and chemistry towards the goals that were designed more than a decade ago.

In this environment, there are MAGA (America First) lines that fight for President Trump to be deposed, to be expelled from the Oval Office and, in his place, to be, for example, Vice President J.D. Vance. At the same time, he is trying to maneuver to help Trump get out of the “serious Iranian problem” and so that, perhaps, in return, Trump designates him as his natural successor for the presidency in the 2028 elections.

With Trump adrift, the political project that Vance embodies – along with all the interests that nourish it – would also be harmed because if Trump does not return to his previous steps that excited his followers, then, inexorably, the electoral chances of Vance and his group would be suppressed.

Regarding the internal competition, Vance is solidly ahead of Marco Rubio, who cannot capture for himself the bulk of MAGA voters and the Republican Party in general. In terms of votes, Vance is comfortably up 70% over Rubio.

Therefore, it is in J.D. Vance’s best interest to help Trump stand firm and with high positive approval ratings so that he can be the next occupant of the White House.

But there are also, they confirm in the MAGA environment, and as we said before, intentions for Vance to replace Trump in an emergency impeachment situation to prevent a Democrat from being an eventual replacement in any impeachment scenario.

The key circles of MAGA will continue to function even outside of Trump’s leadership and, from within it, other political tools will emerge both in the remainder of this decade and the next. So, in comparative and future terms, there is MAGA beyond Trump, who, as we said, is in his decline as a political and historical actor.

The globalist Democrats, and a part of the anti-Trump Republicans, will continue to promote the option of impeachment in the belief that it is a “silver bullet” to definitively solve the “Trump and MAGA” problems. Behind that objective, they will try to move throughout 2027.

But Trump is convinced that the high-power variables that accompany him could help him if that dangerous situation grows in the next 12 months.

It is of utmost importance to note that the Democratic Party has not, so far, been able to control or reverse its implosion tendencies (originating in 2023-4). Probably, Trump also plays with that reality since he sees that, at his head, there is no strong Democratic Party as it was, for example, in 2012.

The factions of California will insist again on having control of the party and, above all, for the candidacy of the next round of presidential elections, but they will be confronted, in another episode that has already been seen in the past, by the sectors of New York, while the central groups of Washington will end up losing a greater amount of internal strength and, probably, other circles of lower category areas will grow, but which, in the face of the panorama of weakening and internal party chaos, may acquire a little more relevance.

The names of Zohran Mamdani and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (both New York figures) generate excitement and enthusiasm in generations of Democrats who are dissatisfied with the Clinton, Biden and Obama factions.

It will not be easy for Mamdani and Ocasio-Cortez to rise in the structural struggle of the party because a relevant part of the old variables of the establishment will do everything in their power so that these two figures do not gain greater spaces.

But, at the same time, other groups of Democratic militants and voters will definitively disassociate themselves from the party.

These, in the same way as many MAGA groups do, do not want to enlist in the ranks of financial and banking institutions, or the mythical Wall Street. On the contrary, the top bosses of the Democratic Party and Trump’s inner circle and decision-makers do.

As an ineluctable fact of the concurrence of the profound processes that the United States is experiencing, there is the transformation of the consciences of many of its inhabitants and the encouragement for there to be a government that defends the peace and prosperity of its people and so that it systematically does not carry out, in the global order, wars either by an act of service – pleasurable or obligatory – due to international factual organizations or to a specific foreign state.

This molecular modification, therefore, will have an even greater impact on the political equations that develop and on the foreign policy decisions that are made in the United States in the next decade and a half.

So the disengagement from geopolitical monocentrism is an obvious fact and all these phenomena, which in light are positive, agree that the United States must accept global polyarchy.

Consequently, with Trump and beyond Trump, it develops that, at this time, it may be slight or almost imperceptible to many, of a structural and existential readaptation of the United States to the polycentric system.

Hence, after the “Trump Project”, there will be a stronger multipolarity in the world and a more consolidated polycentrism in the world architecture.