The rivalry between Philippe and Attal and the 2027 Election

November 11, 2026

Continuing with its specific research, Expert Analytical Association “Sovereignty” is receiving the collaboration of notable specialists, who provide us with their personal and professional criteria, as well as their points of view since they are outstanding personalities in the various subjects we research.

In this specific case, we are conducting a survey on the French center-right, especially highlighting, on this occasion, the differences and similarities that would exist between the previous prime ministers of France, Édouard Philippe and Gabriel Attal, and Emmanuel Macron’s governance program; likewise, we inquire about the impact that the “rivalry factor” that exists between the first two political figures that we mentioned in the final electoral course of the center-right would have in the 2027 presidential electoral process.

In this regard, Professor Alistair Cole, who is an academic of Political Science at Sciences Po Lyon, he gave us his important perspective:

The fundamental differences between Philippe, Attal and Macron remain more stylistic than programmatic. Philippe presents himself as a serious, experienced statesman, strongly pro-European, fiscally orthodox and somewhat more conservative on questions of authority, immigration and public order. Attal projects a younger, more socially liberal image, with greater appeal to progressive urban voters and a stronger emphasis on education, opportunity and social mobility. Yet both remain closely associated with Macron’s reformist centre and neither has articulated a coherent alternative agenda comparable to Macron’s 2017 project.

Their main weakness is that both are burdened by their records as former prime ministers. Philippe is identified with cautious incrementalism and has struggled to convert his early polling advantage into political momentum. Attal remains linked to the final phase of Macronism and has recently been put on the defensive by student and lycée mobilisations, which undercut his claim to embody generational renewal.

The rivalry between the two risks fragmenting the centre-right electorate in 2027. Rather than broadening the Macronist coalition, it could divide support between two candidates whose ideological differences are limited. If neither succeeds in creating a compelling narrative before the campaign formally begins, voters seeking order and tougher immigration policies may continue to gravitate towards Marine Le Pen’s camp, while younger and more left-leaning voters could be attracted by Jean-Luc Mélenchon. In that scenario, the centre-right would be squeezed from both flanks and enter the first round weakened.

One key question is whether it is too late to agree on a process for selecing a single candidate of the centre- oentre-Right (possibly including Bruno Retailleau, from Les Republicians, and other figures such as David Lisnard, mayor of Cannes)  and whether it would make any difference.

At present, Philippe and Attal appear less as representatives of rival political projects than as competitors for leadership of the same political space. Until either develops a distinctive vision that moves beyond the legacy of Macronism, both risk being outflanked by a resurgent populist left and a still-dominant nationalist right.

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